weed.nz
News··6 min read

3,438 and Counting: Why Cannabis Charges Are Rising Under Prohibition

In March 2026, a single number put New Zealand's cannabis-policy contradiction back in the headlines: 3,438. That is the count of cannabis-possession charges Greens drug-reform spokesperson Chlöe Swarbrick says were laid in the past year — a figure she put at roughly a 50% increase on two years earlier. Her point, made on 24 March 2026, was blunt: prohibition is not working, "harm's only increased," and the country is overdue for "another conversation" about reform.

It is a striking statistic precisely because so much in the law was supposed to point the other way. New Zealanders voted on legalising recreational cannabis in 2020. Parliament passed a law in 2019 telling police to take a health-first approach to personal possession. Medical cannabis became legal by prescription the same year the referendum ran. And yet charges are climbing. This piece unpacks why.

Information and education, not legal or medical advice. 18+. Recreational cannabis remains illegal in New Zealand under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975. Medical cannabis is legal only with a prescription.

What the 3,438 figure actually counts

The number refers to charges for cannabis possession laid over a roughly 12-month period — the formal step where police decide to prosecute someone rather than divert them. It is not the number of people caught with cannabis (that is far higher), nor the number of convictions (which is lower again, because not every charge results in one).

That distinction matters. Being "caught" with cannabis in New Zealand can end several ways:

  • No further action — a warning or informal resolution.
  • A health-centred referral or diversion — the route the 2019 law was meant to encourage.
  • A charge — the path that leads toward court, and the one the 3,438 figure tracks.

So a rising charge count is not just "more people using cannabis." It signals that, of the people coming to police attention, a growing share are being pushed down the prosecution path rather than the health one.

The 2019 law that was supposed to reduce this

In 2019, Parliament passed the Misuse of Drugs Amendment Act, which explicitly codified police discretion for personal drug possession and use. The wording directed that prosecution should not proceed unless it is required in the public interest, and encouraged a health-centred approach — treating low-level possession more like a health issue than a crime.

It stopped well short of decriminalisation. Possession remained an offence; police simply got clearer statutory cover to choose not to charge. Advocates hoped it would quietly shrink the criminalisation pipeline. The rising charge numbers suggest the effect has been uneven and, recently, may be reversing.

The NZ Drug Foundation's own analysis — published under the pointed title "Why discretion missed the mark" — argues the discretion model was never resourced or mandated strongly enough to deliver consistent results. Discretion is, by design, discretionary: it leaves enormous room for variation between officers, districts and individuals.

The disparity the numbers keep exposing

The most uncomfortable pattern in the data concerns who gets the health approach and who gets charged. Research and reporting consistently find that Māori are more likely to be stopped, searched, arrested and convicted for cannabis, and less likely to benefit from discretion.

NZ Herald reporting has noted that the discretion provisions appeared, in some periods, to benefit Pākehā most — at one point surpassing Māori uptake of the health-referral route for the first time. A study published in the Harm Reduction Journal found Māori ethnicity to be a significant predictor of conviction odds for males. In other words, a law sold partly as a way to ease the disproportionate criminalisation of Māori has not reliably done so.

This is why reform advocates argue that discretion is not a substitute for clear, consistent law. When the outcome depends on who stops you and where, equal treatment is structurally hard to guarantee.

The referendum that didn't change the law

Layered on top is the political memory of 2020. New Zealanders voted in a binding-pending-legislation referendum on the proposed Cannabis Legalisation and Control Bill. The result: roughly 50.7% No to 48.4% Yes — a narrow defeat for legalising and regulating recreational use.

Because it failed, the regulated-market model — licensed supply, age limits, quality controls, tax — never came into being. The status quo of prohibition-plus-discretion continued by default. The closeness of the vote is part of why the debate never really ended: nearly half the country backed change, and reform groups have kept pressing ever since.

So why are charges rising now?

There is no single official explanation, and we should be honest about that. But the plausible drivers, drawn from the reporting and policy analysis, include:

  1. Discretion is inconsistent and not mandatory. Without a hard rule, charging practice can drift back upward depending on enforcement priorities and local culture.
  2. Possession is still a crime. As long as it is an offence, every encounter carries the option to charge — and that option is being used more often than two years ago.
  3. No regulated market exists. With the referendum's defeat, there is no legal channel that removes low-level possession from the criminal system the way decriminalisation or legalisation would.
  4. Enforcement context shifts. Broader policing activity, search patterns and political signals around "tough on crime" can lift downstream charge numbers even without a formal policy change.

Swarbrick's framing ties these together: the figures, she argues, are evidence that prohibition produces criminalisation without reducing harm, and that a health-and-regulation approach — the kind the 2025 "Safer drug laws for Aotearoa" report set out — would do better.

The political reality check

It is worth being clear-eyed about the odds of change this term. The National-led coalition (National, ACT, NZ First) has shown no appetite for recreational reform, and polling through May 2026 (Roy Morgan) put the governing bloc comfortably ahead. The pressure for change is coming from opposition parties and the NGO/advocacy sector — the Greens in Parliament, the NZ Drug Foundation and NORML outside it — not from the government.

That means the 3,438 figure is likely to function less as a trigger for immediate legislation and more as a recurring data point in a longer argument: that the current settings keep producing charges, keep falling hardest on Māori, and keep failing the harm-reduction test.

FAQ

Does a cannabis charge mean a conviction? No. A charge is the decision to prosecute. Cases can be withdrawn, diverted or dismissed, and not every charge ends in a conviction. The 3,438 figure counts charges, not convictions.

Didn't the 2019 law decriminalise cannabis? No. It codified police discretion to take a health approach to personal possession, but possession remains an offence. Discretion is not decriminalisation.

What did the 2020 referendum decide? It rejected the proposed recreational legalise-and-regulate model, roughly 50.7% No to 48.4% Yes. The law was unchanged as a result.

Could this be reversed soon? Unlikely in the short term. The current government has signalled no interest in recreational reform, so reform pressure is coming from opposition and advocacy groups rather than from legislation in progress.

Sources

Last reviewed 15 June 2026. weed.nz publishes information and education on cannabis in Aotearoa, not legal advice.

Stay in the loop

Get the weed.nz drop

The best of NZ weed culture, news and good reads. One email, no spam.

Related reading